I
noticed a long time ago that students tended to enjoy lectures in which lots of
people died. It is impossible to lecture
poorly about the battles of Cannae or Gettysburg—there is more than enough
blood to stir the imagination of even the most bored students. We remember such battles, but we tend to
forget the soldiers who fought in them and that most of their life in the army
was not spent in actual combat, but in the seemingly endless periods of tedium
and exhaustion that were only briefly interrupted by terror.
Such
a two-dimensional view of these men cheats them and robs them of their true
identity. So let us look at some of the
individual men who fought, and what it was like to be a soldier waiting for
battle.
Probably
almost any soldier
today could write a modern version of this story, but since I’m only a
historian, I’ll tell you a little about a soldier in Napoleon’s army.
On
the night before the battle at Austerlitz, Napoleon visited the outposts of his
army with some of his staff. It was the
classic dark and foggy night with no moon.
The party got a little lost and accidentally made contact with a detachment
of Cossacks before it could break away.
To keep this from happening again, the Chasseurs (elite light infantry)
of the escort improvised torches from straw and pine boughs so as to light the
way.
The
troops recognized the party and twisted the straw of their beds into thousands
of torches to light the way for Napoleon as he moved through the army. It was the anniversary of his coronation and
the emperor, moved by the demonstration of loyalty and affection, said, “This
is the finest evening of my life.”
Neither
Napoleon nor his troops slept much that night.
His men stayed up and talked over past successes (or those they counted
on achieving shortly). I’m sure the younger
soldiers were excited—no doubt in part by the romance of the Napoleonic
legend. A more realistic outlook was
recorded by an officer, a veteran of many battles:
I could not escape the
feeling that something huge and destructive was hanging over all of us. This mood led me to look at my men. There they were, sleeping around me on the cold,
hard ground. I knew them all very well… and
I was aware that many of these brave troops would not survive until tomorrow
evening, but would be lying torn and bloody on the field of battle. For a moment it was all too easy to wish that
the Russians would simply steal away again during the night, but then I
remembered how we had suffered over the last few weeks. Better an horrific end than a horror without
end! Our only salvation lay in battle
and victory!
Such
feelings were common and the evidence suggests that soldiers usually welcomed
the prospect of action despite the risk it brought of death and
mutilation. An English soldier wrote:
On the 24th of
December 1808 our headquarters were at Sahagun.
Every heart beat with joy. We
were all under arms and formed to attack the enemy. Every mouth breathed hope: “We shall beat them to pieces and have our
ease and enjoy ourselves”, said my comrades.
I even preferred any short struggle, however severe, to the dreadful way
of life we were, at this time, pursuing.
The
hardships of campaigning cannot be overstated.
These kinds of details get lost over time, we remember the battles, the
treaties, the generals, and the wars, but the suffering of a private simply
fades into the background. Let’s follow
one of those soldiers, nineteen year old Jean-Baptiste Barres, a private in the
Imperial Guard, through the advance to Austerlitz. At first, Barres was very enthusiastic:
We left Paris quite
content to go campaigning rather than march to Boulogne. I was especially so, for war was the one
thing I wanted. I was young, full of
health and courage, and I thought one could wish for nothing better than to
fight against all possible odds; moreover, I was broken to marching; everything
conspired to make me regard a campaign as a pleasant excursion, on which, even
if one lost one’s head, arms, or legs, one would at least find some
diversion. I wanted, too, to see the
country, the siege of a fortress, a battlefield. I reasoned, in those days, like a child.
Okay,
he was young—but I don’t want you to think our typical soldier an idiot,
so let me move forward quite a bit, breaking the flow of our story and give you
a line from the end of his memoirs:
At the moment of writing
this, the boredom which is consuming me and four months of marching about,
months of fatigue and wretchedness, have proved to me that nothing is more
hideous, more miserable, than war.
Our
young man obviously wised up over time, but let’s go back to our story. Barres was marching off to war. He wrote that the march was beautiful, but
long and the weather constantly fine.
Yet Barres fell ill, lost his appetite and suffered from a fever. However, he refused to go into hospital or
ride in the carts provided for the ill.
He wrote:
I reached Strasbourg still
intoxicated with glory. Several of my
colleagues not more unwell than I was, stayed behind in the hospitals and there
found their deaths… Woe to those who go into hospital on campaign! They are isolated and forgotten, and tedium
slays them rather than their sickness.
At
Strasbourg the soldiers were issued fifty cartridges, four days rations, and
their campaigning equipment. Crossing
the Rhine River, Barres wrote:
I had a secret feeling of
contentment when I recalled to memory all the noble feats of arms which its
banks had seen. These warlike
reminiscences made me long for a few glorious encounters in which I might
satisfy my eager impatience. But by ten
o’clock that night after a long march, I was so weary that I could neither eat
nor sleep.
Our
young man was learning. A few days
later, he briefly fell out on the march—probably because of dysentery—and could
not find his unit for several days—a dismal time without friends or food. It took him a whole day to rejoin his
regiment. “Ah, it is a nasty thing to be
lost in the midst of an army on the march.”
The
army was approaching the Austrians.
Barres spent two hours on sentry watching an Austrian sentry across the
ravine, but neither fired on each other.
Later, Barres was shocked at his first sight of the destructiveness of
war when he saw a farm plundered and half demolished for firewood to the keep
the troops warm.
I shed tears over the fate
of these poor villagers, who had in a moment lost all their possessions. But what I saw later caused me to regard them
as happy in their misfortune. As I was a
novice in the military art, all that was contrary to the principles in which I
had been trained surprised me; but I had time, afterwards, to become accustomed
to such things.
Barres
was learning rapidly. For the first time
he camped in the open during bad weather.
I did not find it very
fascinating; it is a dismal way of going to bed, no straw on which to lie,
little wood for burning, and a north wind that was like a wind of Lapland. I passed a wretched night; roasted on one
side, frozen on the other. That was all
the rest I got.
Our
poor soldier, suffering in the cold—well, not really that cold. It was only October, so he hadn't yet truly
experienced real winter.
A
few weeks later the army reached Vienna and Barres was disappointed that the
army was restricted to the Palace grounds.
No leave and no peace, for the army was ordered across the Danube and
told to continue the war. Barres
continues:
The
Russian army retreated and drew us perforce into the most frightful country,
and this, above all, at a time of the year unsuitable for marching. I confess frankly that this departure
displeased me sorely. The only
consolation being the many cellars filled with Moravian wine which were met
with along our route.
By the time the army
reached Austerlitz, Barres had been on the move for three months, had marched a
thousand miles, and had yet to fire a shot in battle.
From these excerpts, we
have a pretty good idea what Barres—a young, inexperienced soldier—was thinking. What about the veterans? Some welcomed the freedom and excitement of
life on the road, especially compared to the boredom and strict discipline of
life on garrison duty.
Battle added an element of
excitement, glamour and purpose to a soldier’s life—it was the culmination of
the campaign, and the chance to prove the man, the unit, and the army. Confidence was vital to the soldier:
confidence in himself, in his comrades, in his officers, and in his commander. The soldier who entered battle expecting
defeat was already half beaten. One
British officer recalls the mood in the army before the Battle of Salamanca in
1812:
There
assuredly never was an army so anxious as ours was to be brought into action on
this occasion. They were a magnificent
body of well-tried soldiers, highly equipped, and in the highest health and
spirits, with the most devoted confidence in their leader, and an invincible
confidence in themselves. The retreat of
the four preceding days had annoyed us beyond measure, for we believed that we
were nearly equal to the enemy in point of numbers; and the idea of our
retiring before an equal number of any troops in the world was not to be
endured with common patience.
This self-confidence was
built on past successes, esprit de corps, and faith in a commanding
general. This was far more effective
than background factors such as patriotism, hatred of the enemy, or ideological
commitment.
Individual soldiers might
have varying reasons. A young soldier
might want to prove himself. A veteran
on the brink of his third engagement might want to gain a promotion by proving
himself on the battlefield. An old
veteran of forty, with a long record of insubordination and drunkenness, who
knew promotion was out of reach, might look to his own survival and hope for
plunder.
Everyone, however, had a
nagging fear of being killed or horribly wounded. The soldier who pretended to have no fear was
a liar. And this was worst just before
the battle. One British officer wrote:
Time
appears to move upon leaden wings; every minute seems an hour, and every hour a
day. Then there is a strange commingling
of levity and seriousness within himself — a levity which prompts him to laugh
he scarce knows why, and a seriousness which urges him from time to time to
lift up a mental prayer to the Throne of Grace.
On such occasions little or no conversation passes. The privates generally lean upon their
firelocks, the officers upon their swords; and few words, except monosyllables,
at least in answer to questions put, are wasted. On these occasions, too, the faces of the
bravest often change color, and the limbs of the most resolute tremble, not
with fear, but with anxiety; while watches are consulted, till the individuals
who consult them grow weary of the employment.
On the whole, it is a situation of higher excitement, and darker and
deeper feeling, than any other in human life; nor can he be said to have felt
all which man is capable of feeling who has not gone through it.
Historians frequently say
that the age of Napoleonic conflict was one in which military commanders were
willing to risk defeat in the hope of gaining a decisive victory. This was in contrast to the usual 18th
century warfare where cautious maneuvering to gain an advantage was more
commonplace. Between 1790 and 1820,
there were 713 battles in Europe. Most
of these were only partial combats between detached forces.
Quoting the number of
recorded battles in a span of thirty years seems to lend credence to the idea
that war meant an endless series of large battles, but it is actually just
another case of lying with statistics.
In actuality, fighting was comparatively rare in the life of a
Napoleonic soldier. Barres experience
was not unusual for his spending months of tedium punctuated occasionally by
hours of terror.
And when the battle
finally came, it could be very bloody—But, not necessarily for everyone. At Austerlitz, the French had 8,500
casualties out of an army of 65,000 and out of these, 1,305 died. This
means that 49 out of 50 soldiers present at Austerlitz survived.
Let’s make those numbers a
little personal. Picture in your mind,
your local Starbucks—all the customers and the baristas are sent back in time
to fight in this battle. Chances are
greater than 50% that all of them would come back alive. Four of them would be wounded, but
"gloriously" so.
Now, that is only taking
into account the men who were actually present at Austerlitz. Napoleon’s total army in 1805 was
approximately 400,000. Between guard duty,
sick call, or simply being in the wrong place at the wrong time, over half of
the army in 1805 never saw combat at all that year.
Given all this, it is not
surprising that the greatest killer of armies at this time was not the enemy—it
was disease and starvation. Let us take
an extreme example, Napoleon’s invasion of Russia: the best estimate is that for every
twelve soldiers
who went,
only two returned alive.
One fell in action or from wounds, two were taken prisoner, the
remaining seven froze, starved, or died of disease.
Nor was anything much
better in the British army. Consider the
Peninsular Campaign in Spain: depending on the time of year, between twenty and
thirty-five percent of Wellington’s army was sick at any given time. Probably about 240,000 soldiers in the
British army died between 1793 and 1814, but of these only about twelve
percent died in battle or from combat wounds.
The soldiers may have
expressed their fear of dying or being maimed in battle in their writings, but
they were at much greater risk of dying away from battle than dying in it, or
of injuries resulting from it.
It has been two centuries
since these battles. Weapons, tactics,
the treatment of disease...all of these have changed dramatically. What has not changed are the men who fight
the battles, and what people will remember—and forget—of their lives.