In the news this
week is a 12 year-old suicide bomber who murdered over 50 people, mostly women
and children, at a wedding in Turkey.
Another young would-be martyr was captured in Iraq. The likelihood that ISIS would continue to
use children to fight its war has many of the talking heads on the nightly news
making wild statements on how the United States should fight this new threat.
I certainly do
not have an answer, but I would like to point out that this is not the first
time our country has faced this problem.
A little over a hundred years ago, in a war no one remembers, we faced
the same dilemma. It was in a war properly called The Philippine Resistance—an
offshoot of the Spanish American War of 1898.
After suffering
military defeats in the Philippines, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, the Spanish
Government sued for peace on July 26, 1898.
After two weeks, an armistice was signed on August 12, the day before
Americans entered the city of Manila in the Philippines. The entire war had only lasted a little less than 4
months and while 5,462 of the 274,000 men who served in the war had died, only
379 had died in battle. The rest had
died of malaria, typhoid, dysentery, or yellow fever.
By several
measures, this was not much of a war, but the peace protocol specified that
Spain would give up Cuba and the United States would annex Puerto Rico and
occupy Manila pending final disposition of the Philippines.
A Peace
Commission eventually drafted the Treaty of Paris, signed on December 10, 1898. The treaty, however did not specify what to
do with the Philippines, as The Commission itself was divided over the issue.
Note.
If you are ever on Jeopardy or some other game
show and you are asked for the name of the treaty that ended some obscure war,
just answer either the Treaty of Paris or the Treaty of Ghent: You have about a 50% chance of being correct.
Even President
McKinley was unsure of what to do with the Philippines. (Privately, he later admitted that he
couldn't find the country on a White House globe the first time he
looked.) While some Americans railed
against America's growing Imperialism, others saw Asia as a fertile market of
millions waiting to buy American goods.
Still others saw
a chance to "save the heathens" of Asia by extending missionary
activities.
McKinley finally
reached a conclusion. As he explained to
a gathering of missionaries:
And
one night late it came to me this way—I don't know how it was, but it
came: (1) that we could not give
them back to Spain—that would be cowardly and dishonorable; (2)
that we could not turn them over to France or Germany—our commercial
rivals in the Orient—that would be bad business and discreditable; (3) that we could not leave them to
themselves—they were unfit for self government—and they would soon have anarchy
and misrule over there worse than Spain's was; and (4) that there was nothing left for us to do but
to take them all, and to educate the Filipinos, and uplift and civilize and
Christianize them, and by God's grace do the very best we could by them, as our
fellowmen for whom Christ also died. And
then I went to bed, and went to sleep and slept soundly.
Even for a
politician, that’s quite a statement. It
neatly summarizes all of American Imperialism.
We took the Philippines for:
1.
National Honor
2.
Commerce
3. Racial Superiority
4.
Altruism
When Spain
pointed out that, technically, America had no claim by right of conquest, since
American troops had actually occupied Manila the day after the
armistice, we settled the point by giving Spain $20 million in compensation.
The final treaty
added Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines to American territory.
The Treaty of
Paris did not make everyone happy in the United States. Most Democrats, and some Republicans were
against it. Occupation was not
democratic, it countered American traditional isolationism, and it could easily
involve us in foreign entanglements. Some
in the military even pointed out the impossibility of defending a possession so
far from home—a prediction that would prove true 40 years later.
Some worried
about how such an alien culture could be blended into the American way of
life. As one elected racist said from
the Senate floor, "Bananas and self-government cannot grow on the same
piece of land."
Eventually, a
consensus formed that the best way to save the Philippines was to take
them. The treaty was ratified on
February 6, 1899 by a margin of 2 to 1.
The same month,
Rudyard Kipling published the poem, The White Mans Burden. Without
satire, he calls the American people to a new duty:
Take
up the White Man's burden—
Send
for the best ye breed—
Go,
bind your sons to exile
To
serve your captive's need;
to
wait in heavy harness
On
fluttered fold and wild—
Your
new-caught sullen peoples,
Half
devil and half child.
President
William McKinley issued a proclamation on December 21, 1898, declaring United
States policy towards the Philippines to be one of "benevolent
assimilation" in which "the mild sway of justice and right"
would be substituted for "arbitrary rule."
By this time,
America’s task of helping his "little brown brother" had taken a
strange and violent turn. We had
forgotten to ask the Filipinos if they wanted our help. They didn’t, and were resisting militarily.
It is ironic
that before we could impose a colonial rule to help the Filipinos, we had to
fight a war in the Philippines from 1899 to 1902 to crush a Philippine
nationalist insurgency. Filipino
insurgents were already fighting the Spanish for independence when Dewey's
fleet arrived.
Dewey's victory
was due in part to the attack on Manila by Aguinaldo. The Filipino patriots believed that they had
been promised independence for their efforts and felt betrayed by the terms of
the Paris treaty.
Dewey demanded
that the Filipinos leave Manila.
Aguinaldo agreed, but retreated only as far as the suburbs where
defensive trenches are dug.
Aguinaldo
declared the Philippines to be an independent republic in January 1899 and, in
response to McKinley's proclamation, issued his own. In it, he said that "violent and
aggressive seizure" by the United States was wrong and threatened
war. Hostilities broke out on the night
of February 4, 1899, after two American privates on patrol killed three
Filipino soldiers in a suburb of Manila.
America fought
back immediately, aided by shelling the Filipino trenches from US naval ships
in the harbor. For months, the Filipino
forces tried to fight back using conventional warfare, effectively committing
suicide, because the Filipinos lacked the arms, the artillery, and the
training.
The Filipino
troops, armed with old rifles and bolos, and carrying anting-anting (magical
charms), were no match for American troops in open combat, but they were very
effective in guerrilla warfare.
General Ewell S.
Otis was appointed commander of the US forces there and military governor of
the Philippines. The war started well
for the US, as Otis pushed the rebel forces from Manila and its suburbs. When Aguinaldo's government sought an
armistice, Otis insisted on an unconditional surrender.
General Otis
might have been able to crush the rebellion early had he not been faced with a
problem that was totally new to American warfare. How do you fight an enemy and win the
people over at the same time? Or as my generation would later ask,
“How do you win the hearts and minds of people you are fighting?”
At the same
time, America began instituting civic reforms.
The American army began building new infrastructure for the
Philippines: New roads, schools,
hospitals, bridges, railroads, telegraph lines, and telephone lines. Disease, especially smallpox, cholera, and
plague practically disappeared. Slowly,
there were an increasing numbers of Filipino collaborators.
Aguinaldo fought
back as he ordered the establishment of decentralized guerrilla commands in
each of several military zones. More
than ever, American soldiers knew the miseries of fighting an enemy that was
able to move at will within the civilian population in the villages. "Pacified" ground only extended as
far as a soldier's Krag rifle could shoot.
The guerrillas
would not attack unless they were sure they could win and if chased, they hid their weapons, went home and
pretended they were the friendliest natives on the island—But if they captured
an American soldier, he would be horribly tortured.
And the
guerrillas began to attack the collaborators, calling it "exemplary
punishment on traitors to prevent the people of the towns from unworthily selling
themselves for the gold of the invader."
Inevitably, the
American soldiers began committing atrocities of their own.
In May 1900,
General Arthur MacArthur replaced Otis and with a much larger army, MacArthur
cracked down. Guerrillas would be jailed
or executed. Patrols were kept out
longer, forcing guerrillas to run longer.
MacArthur also used an old Indian-fighting technique: he hired thousands of Filipino scouts and
police.
MacArthur, with
the help of a new civilian government under Judge William Howard Taft, began
building a new civilian government that was a model of efficiency and fairness.
Aguinaldo was
captured on March 23, 1901, by a force of Philippine Scouts loyal to the United
States and was brought back to Manila. Convinced
of the futility of further resistance, he swore allegiance to the United States
and issued a proclamation calling on his compatriots to lay down their
arms. When Aguinaldo made the public
announcement, he was wearing a black bow-tie, a symbol of mourning. Aguinaldo vowed to continue to wear the black bow-tie until the Philippines were granted their independence.
On September
1901, guerrillas in one of the last remaining uncontrolled provinces wiped out
a US infantry company in Samar. This was
the largest military defeat since the death of Colonel Custer at the Battle of
Little Big Horn. America was shocked and
demanded retaliation.
The troops
ordered by General Smith to "pacify" Samar were also ordered to take
no prisoners. "I want you to kill
and burn, the more you kill and the burn the better it will please me. I want all persons killed who are capable of
bearing arms in actual hostilities against the United States. The interior of Samar must be made a howling
wilderness..."
When the officer
leading the detail asked for clarification as to exactly who was capable of
bearing arms…his commanding officer answered that this meant anyone over the
age of 10 years old. To this day,
historians argue about exactly how many Filipinos were killed during the
pacification of the island.
Today, the
attack and the retaliation are collectively referred to as the Balangiga
Massacre.
By the Spring of
1902, organized resistance was pretty much over. On the 4th of July, 1902, President Roosevelt
declared that the insurrection was over and the United States had been
victorious. No one argued the point with
him.
The war the
Americans called the Philippine Insurrection lasted nearly three years and
claimed the lives of 4,234 US troops and 16,000 Filipino soldiers. By the end of the war, another 220,000
civilian Filipinos had died, largely from famine and disease. Both sides committed horrible atrocities. The monetary cost of the war was $400
million, an amount more than 20 times what had been paid to Spain in 1898.
This preparation
was still underway when WW2 started and the Philippines were seized by the
Japanese.
Aguinaldo
was finally able to remove his black tie on July 4, 1946, when the US finally
gave the Philippines their independence.
Don't forget the 10 year old suicide bombers in Vietnam. They used hand grenades instead of vests, but the intend was there in spades.
ReplyDeleteAs for the Pilippines, the "nation building" worked, and the PI has been our closest ally, and friend, in SEA. As for the people, they are industrious and constantly working to improve themselves as individuals and as a nation.
Did you know that when Marcos declared martial law in the 1980s, the largest political party over there had just one platform: statehood. Crushed by Marcos of course. Many millions of Filipinos feel that way today. We used to sit around Puerto Princesa 10 years ago and laugh at how all the Filipinos would move to the states for jobs and all the Americans would move to the PI to buy beachfront property.
Then we would remember why we were there - Abu Sayef - and their 10 year olds...
You are correct. Unfortunately, the list of wars where children were involved is, sadly, very long. Nation building by the US has worked several times, but usually only after devastating military defeats. The Philippines, Japan, and Germany come to mind.
DeleteIn a wicked world, it is hard for sinful man to be the good guy, no matter how good his intentions. Power attracts the corruptible and the corruptible inevitably do corrupt things. It's what they do.
ReplyDeleteI sometimes think that the best way to insure a just government is to systematically execute the leadership of both sides, starting at the top, until all you are left with are people in the top leadership spots who absolutely do NOT want the jobs. Not that I'm suggesting such a thing with regard to our present presidential contest, but I will say that the sweet meteor of death would not be unwelcome at this point and might just save us from the almost certain end of the American way of life if either one of the two abysmally narcissistic New York progressive socialists we've had thrust upon us is elected. Just sayin'. - Tom